Submission of summary

First introduces the concepts and tools of strategy analysis. Here we can see some of the basic economic and positioning concepts and models of strategy analysis but we can not see how to use it. The overriding concern of each chapter is help to see how to apply the various models introduced (e. g. micro – and the macro economic characteristics). Part One also emphasises that one of the key differences between strategy and results is perfect knowledges of management and having to deal with often very imperfect knowledge in the domain of the strategist.However, it is ossible using advantage and gaining position are key for organizations to become and remain successful. All world recognise, however, that many educational institutions have similar courses of strategy (such as economics and business). Finally, strategies and organizations need to put decisions into practise. Part One have not only to introduce the many models of strategy analysis so that students can become famili ar with them and their use, but also to highlight the limitations of such models and thus avoid unnecessary thinking. Chapter Second comprises chapters which focus on strategy implementation and practice.From this perspective, questions (what, where, how) of organizational structures, cultures and processes become the focus of attention. This section also retains first chapters about strategy but this chapter put the basics for strategy. In particular, the chapter describes the key levels and the debates each has engendered. Also, this chapter Interpreting how micro – and macro level are associated. Chapter Third and Four analyzing about the micro – and macro economics of strategy. This chapters are very Importance for strategy development. Chapter three Is described about micro theory.It researches ow to effectively affect the organization with a certain strategy. Big attention Is placed on the market, supply and demand. Discussions give explanations for this chapter how the supply and demand Intervening In the market. Examples of strategies let to understand and analyze mistakes which can Interfere for company to develop hereafter. Macro theory Is described In the Chapter Fourth where Is discussing about the maln factors. These factors can play a role for company In the future. In this Chapter Is Interpreted how managers have to use the strategy effectively from the economic failures.So, manager may lay out plans for the future and the smoothly conduct the planned strategy. Do not forget about that macroeconomic analyzed economy as a whole functioning. In this Chapter Is seeking to Identify strategic factors which are determined GDP, Inflation and unemployment. Data obtained on the basis Is calculating and analyzing various statistical Indicators who say about micro – and macro – state of the economy. So, how are accepted economic decisions. In the Chapter Fifth Is wrlttlng about very Important topic for strategy – Industry analysis and competltlve strategy.How Is wrlttlng, strategy can not exlct without the concept of competltlve strategy. The successful firm has to analyze the competltlon and need to know how It can help for strategy. It Is possible to achieve success with the common market segments, quality Improvement and practice are starting to show in Chapter Three and Four. And in this chapter further explores not only the competitive strategy, but also to the importance of the strategy. Using The Porter's five forces industry analysis framework is not difficult to manage further industrial activity and make it more attractive.It is easier to attract company profits. Also in this Chapter The value chain and the balanced scorecard has big value for strategy. We can easily analyze the company's financial performance. In general, this Chapter can not to be separated from basics of economy because it helps successful development of the company's internal and external activities, evaluate the compa ny's progress and determine the strategy thinking. If we want to understand competitive strategy we have to analyze its position using the economy. The Chapter Sixth is illustrated very specifically using economic factors.This is continuetion of micro – and macro – basics of theories and most important factors about competitive strategy. This Chapter shows how companies, employees and customers have to understand their position of the demand and supply side. All of this leads to the development of the company's business model which perfectly answers the question: â€Å"where money comes from? † A business model defines how the company develops, provides and maintains the value. One more Chapter is about competitive strategy which analyzing the strategic capacity.This is Chapter Seventh hich is seeking to understand more about strategy and favorable factors for it. The whole bases are of resource-based and competences which helps to know how to manage the busines s value and development. From the beginning of Chapter Seventh main topics are resource-based and competences. A clear and rigorous analysis of resource-based and the relevant competences concepts provides with the theoretical grounding and depth of analysis vital to understanding business and corporate level strategy. Everything is continuing in next Chapter where is talking how to movie from theory to practice.In this Chapter strong emphasis on strategy in practice but it is not enough. It helps to place only strategy into the broader context of organization and management. Chapter Eight present the total life cycle model which is analyzing three main themes. It is the theme of start-ups and the role of entrepreneurs, concerned with issues of corporate failure and turnarounds and how entry strategies are conceived to organized resistance. These themes perfectly reflect the benefits of providing a system we Just have to use it very sensibly. Each of these practical examples brings out its own lesson.It requires a lot of due diligence and flexibility. That is, each strategy can make the new developments. Also we can use the life cycle model to develop the perfect market but everything is changing, nothing on the move, changing and strategy management. This cycle can be used anyway and go purposefully toward a goal, not to include everything, but the most effective use of assertions. Thus, the strategy may have a lot of options. It needs to adapt and everything to calculate and see every detail. After all, every detail can be expensive the entire company.

Compare and Contrast two poems: Welsh Landscape and East Moors Essay

â€Å"Welsh Landscape† is written by R.S Thomas. He was a Welsh traditionalist born in 1913 and he died in 2000. He has strong views and lives in the past thinking of Wales of having no present or future. The poem consists of just one stanza. The main theme of this poem is war imagery, the words that suggest this are â€Å"ambush†, â€Å"spilled blood†, â€Å"wild†, â€Å"strife†, â€Å"strung†, â€Å"sped arrows†, â€Å"cries†, â€Å"fields†, â€Å"corners† and â€Å"carcass†. He describes Wales to have â€Å"spilled blood† which describes past battles. He goes on to describe how the â€Å"immaculate rivers† are dyed – they can’t be perfect. Even water is effected by past occurrences, blood is becoming part of nature. Nature has been corrupted by battles. There’s no control over the sky, Thomas uses the word â€Å"wild† to describe it. Next he uses alliteration, sibilance â€Å"strife†, â€Å"strung†, â€Å"sped† its related with the past, as its in past tense. â€Å"Strife† describes the struggles they’ve had, â€Å"strung† indicates there was trouble. â€Å"Vibrant† makes you think of a bright, alive and almost artistic place, but then he brings in the strong opinion of â€Å"you cannot live in the present†. Gillian Clarke, a feminist born in Cardiff in 1937, writes â€Å"East Moors†. She believes boredom is a major problem in Wales once the community’s biggest employer closes down. It consists of 6 stanzas. Demolition is the main theme. This poem looks at change in the community, the sort of change some might regard as a progress, but which the poem suggests can undermine communities, individual identity and purpose. Steelworks meant more to men than anything in their life as it was their life, they were there all the time, it was the main topic of conversation and it was the income to support their families, without it they had nothing. The first line in this poem make you think a seasonal change will follow these events, the arrival of spring is to come with the arrival of May. It’s a device used to suggest a possible end to bitter times but this is undermined in the final stanza when the phrases â€Å"icy† and â€Å"rain is blowing† is used to describe the first day in May. The â€Å"flash of sea† is a metaphor, to tell us there isn’t much sea. There are  some metaphors in â€Å"Welsh Landscape† too: â€Å"thick ambush of shadows† is a metaphor for past memories haunting you. The fourth line in â€Å"East Moors† describes â€Å"blue islands† the word â€Å"blue† has a double meaning – the colour and also the emotion of sadness. In both poems there are examples of sibilance, in â€Å"Welsh Landscape† it is â€Å"sped, strung, strife† and in â€Å"East moors† it is â€Å"steelworks used to smoke†. This also tells us that the place used to be filled with industry. The first line of the second stanza shows typical lives of people living in the valleys in the 1930s, people were born in houses instead of hospitals, then they lived in them throughout their lives. The second and third lines describe how the how the steelworks often gave off flashes of light â€Å"sudden glow† in the middle of the night, so the neighbours were â€Å"accustomed† to it. Then it says a â€Å"dark† sound, it’s a contrast to the earlier mention of â€Å"glow†, and it could mean, low or spooky. Throughout the second stanza, there’s a lot of cases of sibilance -â€Å"sudden†, â€Å"sky†, â€Å"sound†, â€Å"smell† and â€Å"sulphur†. There’s also more sibilance in â€Å"Welsh Landscape†, Thomas talks about â€Å"soft† consonants being â€Å"strange† to the ear. â€Å"Soft† is a positive word. The words have a strong connection to the welsh language as he chose to learn it in adulthood – he finds it important to his heritage. In â€Å"East Moors†, the third stanza begins with alliteration â€Å"Roath†, â€Å"Rumney† they are two areas of Cardiff, its showing typical sense of valley life. Now, clothes are hung in yards and there’s no pollution to dirty these garments. Then comes more stereotypical life of men and women – men being â€Å"lethargic† and women lining up jobs for their lazy, redundant husbands. We know they’re jobless, as the steelworks have been closed down, the explanation comes in the last line of the third stanza. The fourth stanza states how bitter these jobless men are, their misery matches the atmosphere as the â€Å"skyline† is being destroyed as the building is torn down. The steelworks made a pattern like â€Å"hieroglyphics†. The day its torn down families gather round like it’s a day out, it reminds  us of tragedies like September 11th. The simile at the end of the fourth stanza shows how important it is to them, like losing someone close to them â€Å"a death†, there will now be an â€Å"appalling void† where the steelworks used to be. These are such negative words it emphasises the meaning of the loss of the steelworks. So in the final stanza, it describes a new beginning, the start of a month, it should be positive as summer is nearing, but as the steelworks are gone, May is a miserable month. There are, however, some positive words â€Å"quieter† â€Å"cleaner† but it goes on to say â€Å"poorer from today† which means the workers have lost their jobs. The fourth line is a repetition from the first stanza. It indicates that although the town might be poor the cherries are still growing. The last line shows it doesn’t take long to forget about the steelworks and life goes on. The sky is blind though and there’s no future for the village. Back to â€Å"Welsh Landscape† the next line in question, â€Å"hushed at the fields corners†, this means, they’re being forced to be quiet, as if by barriers. Then again, Thomas brings up his pessimistic views of Wales, he’s determined to create an atmosphere so people think of past times. He even goes as far as to say things are â€Å"brittle† and would break apart. Its so bad it can’t even have a real ghost, it has pretending â€Å"sham ghosts†. All Wales has are mines so if they are going what else is here? Powerless people unable to perform sexually? Or people â€Å"sick with inbreeding†? That is a harsh opinion, which shows Thomas thinks people never come out of Wales. The last line of the poem is a loose personification, meaning the song can worry and die. The song probably being the Welsh National Anthem. â€Å"Welsh Landscape† has no rhythmic syllable pattern, which implies Wales isn’t structured. There isn’t a rhyme pattern either. In â€Å"East Moors† however, there isn’t a strong syllable pattern, there is however a rhythm and structure to the poem, it relates to the routine of the day. In both poems there are many cases of enjambment, this is mainly caused by the non-structured there’s a lot of punctuation in both poems, I don’t however, believe that it helps with the meaning of the poem. The mood at the start of  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Welsh Landscape† is the same as the end, dull, violent and derogatory towards Wales. In â€Å"East Moors† the mood at the start makes you think there’ll be a seasonal changer, that the bitter times have ended, but in fact the times continue to be just as terrible as before.

Some Aspects of Muslim Educational System in Pre-Colonial India

SOME ASPECTS OF THE MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN PRE-COLONIAL INDIA by Aamir Bashir ABSTRACT This paper explores some of the hitherto less known aspects of the Muslim Educational System in pre-colonial India. It examines the broad contours of this system by looking at the public attitude towards knowledge, scholars and students; the various types of institutions, and the evolution of curriculum. It also looks at the depth of Indian scholars’ engagement with IadEth and other sciences. Finally, it also looks at Sufis and their attitude towards the various Islamic sciences.The paper suggests that the educational system of the period under study was organic in structure and was in tune with the needs of the individual and the society. The course of study was a good balance between the temporal and the religious. Indian ‘ulamE were fully engaged with the IadEth sciences; and lastly, the Sufis gave great importance to all Islamic sciences. This paper suggests that the historic al Muslim educational system in pre-colonial India provides valuable resources for the problems faced by modern educational systems.INTRODUCTION The aim of this paper is to bring to light some of the hitherto less known aspects of the Muslim Educational System in pre-colonial India. By pre-colonial India, we refer to the time from the advent of Islam in India in the beginning of the eighth century CE up to the consolidation of colonial rule in the middle of the eighteenth century. 1 This short paper cannot do justice to all the details of the Muslim Educational System during this period. Therefore, we shall confine ourselves to only some aspects of it. These include the evolution of the curriculum over the centuries, and general contours of the educational system.We will also be challenging some conventional theories. These include the notion that before the coming of the press, books were in short supply in India. The other is that IadEth was little known in India until the coming of ShEh WalE AllEh (d. 1762). We will be presenting individual incidents which we feel to be representative of a broader trend and from these we shall draw general conclusions. During the period under study Muslim rule gradually extended from Sindh to include the whole of Northern India until it became one of the three major Muslim powers of that time under 1All the dates mentioned in this paper are CE (common era) dates unless otherwise noted. the Great Mughals,2 Ottoman Turkey and Safavid Iran being the other two. Such a strong and vast empire required a strong administrative structure which in turn required an effective system of education. As we shall see later, education was sufficiently sought after, and provided for during this time, such that India at that time could favourably compare and often compete with the central lands of Islam in the field of scholarship. 3POSITION OF KNOWLEDGE AND EDUCATION IN ISLAM We begin our analysis with looking at the position of knowledge and education in Islam. Numerous Qur’anic verses and Prophetic traditions establish the centrality of knowledge in Islam. The verses include â€Å"Are those who know and those who do not know alike? † (39:9); the first revelation â€Å"Read in the name of your Lord who created† (96:1); and the prayer taught in the Qur’an, â€Å"Say (O MuIammad), My Lord! Increase me in knowledge† (20:114). Similarly, the Prophetic traditions (aIEdEth) exhorting people to seek knowledge are also well known.Examples include the famous tradition in which the Prophet is reported to have said, â€Å"It is obligatory upon every Muslim to seek knowledge. †4 At another time, he said â€Å"Seek knowledge even if you have to go to China. †5 Similarly, al-TirmidhE has reported a IadEth in which the Prophet (Allah bless him and give him peace) said, â€Å"The excellence of a scholar upon the worshipper is like my excellence over the lowest one amongst you. † 6 This emphasis upon knowledge and education has been taken for granted in Muslim societies since the beginning of Islam.The religious basis for the pursuit of knowledge resulted in defining the objective of education as al-fawz bi al-sa‘Edah fi al-dErayn i. e. to succeed through bliss in this world and the hereafter. This in turn implied that education should be acquired 2 â€Å"Great Mughals† is a term used to refer to the first six Mughal Emperors of India. These are, in chronological order, BEbar, HumEyEn, Akbar, JahEngEr, ShEh JahEn and Awrangzeb. These are the first and the greatest of all Mughal Emperors. In all, they reigned from 1526 to 1707 with a fifteen year interregnum from 1539 till 1555.The empire reached its zenith with Awrangzeb (reigned from 1658-1707) and after his death began her decline which ended with the capture of the last Mughal emperor BahEdur ShEh Zafar at the hands of the British in 1857. 3 S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, (Delhi: Id Era Adabiyyat-e-DillE, 1972), viii. 4 AbE Bakr AImad ibn al-? usayn al-BayhaqE, Shu‘ab al-OmEn, (Beirut: DEr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1410AH), 2:253. 5 Ibid. 6 MuIammad ‘Abd al-RaImEn ibn ‘Abd al-RaIEm MubErakpurE, TuIfat al-AIwadhE bi SharI JEmi‘ al-TirmidhE, ed. Abd al-RaImEn MuIammad ‘UthmEn, (Beirut: DEr al-Fikr, n. d. ), 7:456. 1. To understand the will of God and to lead one’s life according to it. 2. To inculcate Islamic values in oneself. 3. To cultivate cultured behavior in oneself. 7 As can be seen from these objectives, acquiring knowledge was considered a sacred duty. It was the sole means to success. Knowledge (‘ilm) and practice (‘amal) were inter-linked. Instruction (ta‘lEm) went hand in hand with training (ta’dEb). The traditional Islamic concept of education was, thus, holistic as understood at that time.Muslim scholars had divided knowledge into two parts, the farI ‘ayn (individually obligatory ) and the farI kifEyah (collectively obligatory); but there was no strict separation between the religious and the secular sciences. Both formed part of an integrated whole. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT AND PUBLIC ATTITUDE As we have seen above, Islam has placed considerable emphasis upon knowledge. Because of this we find that, historically, the general attitude of Muslims, throughout the world, towards knowledge, scholars and students had been that of reverence.In every land, there were to be found a significant number of people who had dedicated themselves to learning and/or teaching. At the same time, the general public considered it an act of worship to help the scholars and the students. This public attitude coupled with safety of the roads maintained by stable and strong Muslim governments, enabled people to move across great distances in search of knowledge. In spite of the crude means of conveyance, people were constantly on the move; students setting out to learn, teachers trav eling to teach. GhulEm ‘AlE OzEd BilgirEmE (d. 785) writes in his book Ma’Ethir al-KirEm, which is a historical account of sixteenth/seventeenth century Mughal India, that: Seekers of knowledge travel in multitudes from one place to another. Wherever, the situation is agreeable, they get busy in learning†¦. The well-to-do people of each town take care of these seekers of knowledge and consider it a great honour to serve them. 8 7 8 Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, Survey of Muslim Education: India, (Cambridge: The Islamic Academy, 1985), 5. Sayyid ManE? ir AIsan GElEnE, PEk-o-Hind main MusalmEnon kE Ni? Em-e-Ta‘lEm-o-Tarbiyyat. Lahore: Maktaba RaImEniyya, n. d. ) 19. The teachers occupied a high position in society. Though their emoluments were not always great, they commanded universal respect and confidence. GilEnE mentions a number of incidents when the teachers, in spite of their poverty, refused to accept any monetary help from others; and whatever help or gift was accepted, the giver always considered it to be an honor for his gift to have been accepted. 9 This attitude was widespread throughout the period under review. Even absolutist monarchs showed deference to the ‘ulamE and the Sufis. Ni?EmE has also mentioned several incidents of ‘ulamE and Sufis refusing royal gifts even while suffering from abject poverty. 10 For many, poverty was a chosen path and the royal gifts were seen as undoing years of patient hard work. INSTITUTIONS The main institutions for teaching and learning during the period of Muslim rule in India were maktabs and madrasahs,11 mosques and khEnqEhs (Sufi centers), and private houses. Almost every mosque served as an elementary school. However, a large number of eminent scholars and men of letter taught independently and even supported the students who came to them to study.This then was the foundation upon which the whole system was built; the teacher and the student. The issue of budgetary allocations for school buildings and provision of other services was not the top most priority for these people. What was most important was the existence of a sincere teacher and a sincere student. If these two were obtaining, other things could be improvised. OzEd has mentioned a famous teacher of his hometown Bilgiram, MEr MubErak. He taught there for years but throughout this time, he was based in the verandah of a certain noble of the town. verandah. 2 At the same time, the state was not negligent to matters of education. Kings as well as local Nawabs and other well-to-do people considered it an act of virtue to build maktabs, madrasahs and to support teachers and students. We find a network of such institutions; oneman schools as well as larger more organized affairs; scattered throughout the length and breadth 9 Hundreds came and studied from him but he continued to operate from that Ibid. , 24. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion & Politics in India during the 13th century, (Bomba y: Asia Publishing, 1961), 152-156. 1 It should be noted that madrasah refers to an institute which offers a comprehensive multi-year course in Islamic studies. It is different from a maktab which refers to part-time schools that offer basic instruction in reading the Qur’an and basics of Islam. 12 GElEnE, 21. 10 of India. All three levels viz. elementary, secondary, higher, were catered for. However, no one level dominated in any one institution. Private houses were being used to provide basic elementary education but at the same time could be seen to provide advanced studies to those interested.In fact, this lack of bureaucratic uniformity was this system’s greatest strength. The system reflected the needs of the people. It accommodated the grassroots desires and ambitions of people regarding education. Thus, we find huge well-funded, well-organized madrasahs existing side by side with one man schools operating out of private houses. 13 The student had the liberty of choosing which teacher to study from. Problems of admissions and school discipline were rare. The focus was on the real thing: education; with very little squabbling over the means to acquire it.Muslim rulers also patronized scholars. Amongst the earliest examples is that of the famous theologian Fakhr al-DEn al-REzE (d. 1209). He was also a great philosopher and expert in many Islamic sciences. He was patronized by many rulers. Among these was ShihEb al-DEn GhaurE (1206), the founder of Muslim rule in India proper. It is reported about him that he had al-REzE stay in his camp wherever he went. Al- REzE was the official prayer leader and delivered sermons and lectures in the camp. 14 COURSE OF STUDY Muslims first reached India as conquerors in the beginning of the eighth century.The intellectual climate of their Arab homeland was extended to Sindh, the portion of India that had been conquered. At this stage we find an active participation of Sindh based scholars in the field of Iad Eth. Their names appear in the chains of transmission of aIEdEth that were later on recorded by other IadEth masters. Some of their names and works have also been mentioned by ‘Abd al-? ayy al-? asanE in his al-ThaqEfah al-IslEmiyyah fi al-Hind. 15 However, this period lasted for only four centuries and Muslim rule was confined to Sindh and Multan (southern Punjab).Beginning towards the end of the tenth century, Muslims began to enter India from the North-West in successive waves, each time extending their territories even further towards North and Central India. Along with each invading army, and on 13 14 Ibid. MuIammad ShafE‘, FutEI al-Hind, (Karachi: IdErat al-Ma‘Erif, 2002), 60-61. 15 ‘Abd al-? ayy al-? asanE, al-ThaqEfah al-IslEmiyyah fi al-Hind, (Damascus: Mujamma‘ al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyyah bi Dimashq, 1983), 135. their own as well, came ‘ulamE and Sufis. Both had a role to play in the spread of Islamic knowledge in India.Major cities in the newly acquired territories quickly turned into centers of learning. Initially, Multan, then Lahore and finally Delhi became the pre-eminent centre of learning in North India. 16 This second period starting from the end of the tenth century lasted until the last quarter of the fifteenth century. During this time, India benefited enormously from an otherwise unmitigated disaster. The Mongol hordes that ravaged Central Asia, Afghanistan and Khorasan forced many of the scholarly families based there to migrate to other countries. India was the top destination for them.Not a day passed but a noteworthy scholar would arrive in Delhi with camel loads of books. The Indian rulers were fully aware of the worth of the newcomers. They made them feel extremely welcome. Every newcomer was given a post or a stipend or an estate to support himself and his family. Thus, the nascent Muslim community of North India benefitted from a continuous supply of scholars and books. During this period, the education system in North India consisted of three stages: At the first stage, as has been the practice throughout Muslim history in all Islamic lands, a child’s education began with the Qur’an.Each locality had teachers who specialized in tajwEd, the art of recitation of the Qur’an. It is mentioned about Ni? Em al-DEn AwliyE (d. 1325), the great Chishti Sufi saint of Delhi, that he started his education in his hometown, Badaun. This began with learning how to read the Qur’an. His teacher was a freed slave who had converted from Hinduism to Islam and knew the seven major recitations of the Qur’an. 17 After Qur’an, students would normally move on to Persian, the official language of the country. Most of the major works of Persian prose and poetry were studied. These included the works of major writers such as Sa‘dE, ? Efi? SalmEn SaojE, AnwarE, and others. 18 The education of the general population normally stopped at this level. Howeve r, it seems reasonable to assume that some elementary Arabic was also taught at this stage because the students were expected to understand the Arabic phrases that were often used in Persian books and regular conversation. We also find 16 17 Ibid. , 9-10. GElEnE, 139. Also cited by Nizami in KhalEq AImad Ni? EmE, IslEmE TehzEb kE Asar HindustEn par, (Lucknow, Majlis TehqEqEt-o-NashriEt-e-IslEm, 1982), 42. 18 GElEnE, 141. people with only basic education being able to freely quote from the Qur’an and Prophetic traditions. 9 The second stage was dedicated to an intensive study of the Arabic language as well as fiqh. Some of the books taught at this stage included: KEfiyah and MufaIIal for Arabic grammar; and MukhtaIar al-QudErE and Majma‘ al-BaIrayn for HanafE fiqh (Jurisprudence). Later on, MufaIIal gave way to SharI JEmE and SharI WiqEyah replaced Majma‘ al-BaIrayn. 20 Education up to this level was considered sufficient for those wanting to engage in teaching, pr eaching, etc. and entitled one to be called a dEnishmand (wise man) or a mawlawE. Studies at this level would correspond to the fourth year of study in the present-day eight year Dars-eNi?EmE. In the third stage, also called faIElat, advanced books of each science were studied. These included al-KashshEf and MadErik al-TanzEl for tafsEr (Qur’anic Exegesis), MishkEt al-MaIEbEI and MashEriq al-AnwEr for IadEth, al-HidEyah for HanafE fiqh, and UIEl al-BazdawE for uIEl alfiqh (principles of jurisprudence). Along with these, major works in the various branches of balEghah (rhetoric) were also studied. The one who completed this stage was called a fEIil. As can be seen from this brief outline, rational sciences and kalEm (dialectics) were not paid much attention in the regular curriculum.Only a few basic texts of logic and kalEm such as al-QuIbE and SharI al-OaIE’if were studied. 21 In fact, the general attitude amongst the ‘ulamE towards these is best summed up in thi s statement of FatEwE al-TEtErkhEniyah, a fatwE collection compiled during the fourteenth century: The issues of ‘ilm al-kalEm lead to new dissentions (fitnahs) and innovations and cause deterioration of faith; (and) the ones who normally engage in it are either less-intelligent or are seeking to dominate rather than seeking the truth. 2 This all changed towards the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century. During this third period which lasted until the beginning of the eighteenth century, logic, philosophy, and kalEm got new impetus. At this time, many students of SharEf JurjEnE and Sa‘d al-DEn TaftEzEnE moved to India and brought with them new books on grammar, 19 20 21 22 Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, 4. Ibid. , 5. GElEnE, 151. Ibid. , 155. rhetoric, kalEm and fiqh. 23 Later, FatIullEh ShErEzE came to India from Iran and brought with him works of DawwEnE, MullE OadrE and MirzE JEn.These works were readily accepted by Indians and before long the se became part and parcel of the curriculum. 24 Again during this period, purpose built institutions existed side by side with individualized private instruction. The fourth period can be said to have begun from the early part of eighteenth century lasting until the founding of DEr al-‘UlEm at Deoband in 1866. This period is characterized by the presence of two very important personalities. Each of them contributed to education in his own way. One is ShEh WalE AllEh of Delhi and the other is Ni? Em al-DEn SihElvE of Lucknow (d. 1748).WalE AllEh focused on the teaching of IadEth especially the OiIEI Sittah (the six major collections of IadEth viz. OaIEI al-BukhErE, OaIEI Muslim, JEmi‘ al-TirmidhE, Sunan AbE DEwEd, Sunan al-NisE’E and Sunan Ibn MEjah) and al-MuwaIItE of MElik ibn Anas. Later on, WalE AllEh’s son ShEh ‘Abd al-‘AzEz, operating from his base in Delhi, helped to popularize it throughout India. SihElvE, based at FarangE Mahal in Luckno w, focused on developing a comprehensive curriculum which came to be called Dars-e-Ni? EmE, after him. SihElvE focused more on the ma‘qElEt (rational sciences) and fiqh than on the manqElEt (transmitted sciences).In fact, an examination of this curriculum shows that it included ten books on logic, five on dialectics and three on philosophy while only a portion from two works of tafsEr and one book of IadEth were studied. 25 This curriculum proved extremely popular because of its ability to prepare students for independent study. Even the ShE‘ites of Lucknow came to the Sunni school of FarangE Mahal to study because of the reputation of this curriculum at producing well-rounded and rational, educated individuals. Although, our period of research ends here, however, let us state this much.WalE AllEh’s curriculum and SihElvE’s curriculum represented two extremes in their emphasis upon the transmitted and the rational sciences, respectively. Quite a number of p eople took advantage of both the curricula but there was still no single unified curriculum. That came about with the founding of the DEr al-‘UlEm at Deoband in 1866. The curriculum adopted at DEr al-‘UlEm, although still referred to as Dars-e-Ni? EmE, was a combination of the two. On the one hand, rational sciences were studied in almost as much detail as SihElvE had envisaged; and on the 23 24 25Al-Nadvi, 6. Ibid. , 7. Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, 10. other hand, WalE AllEh’s emphasis on IadEth was also incorporated so that during the last year of study, the OiIEI Sittah, as well as the SharI Ma‘EnE al-OthEr of al-UaIEwE, and the al-MuwaIIEs of MElik and MuIammad al-ShaybEnE were studied in their totality. INDIAN ‘ULAMO AND ? ADOTH The prevalent idea among the vast majority of Indo-Pakistani ‘ulamE is that IadEth was historically a neglected science in India. It was only with the coming of WalE AllEh that this changed.The unique position that WalE All Eh occupies in Indian Muslim intellectual history has meant that his supporters tend to sideline the important contributions made by others before him and during his time. Regarding the contributions of Indian ‘ulamE to IadEth, we have to keep Indian history in perspective. Muslims came to regard India proper (Sindh & Multan being the exception) as their home only after the coming to power of QuIb al-DEn Aybak in 1206. Indian Muslims’ contributions should be examined keeping this in mind. By this time, all the major works of IadEth had already been compiled.It was too late for Indians to form part of al-BukhErE’s chain of transmitters. They could not have taken part in the formative period of the IadEth sciences. Sindh, which was Islamized earlier on, did take part in these activities and was the exception. Later Indians, however, engaged in those pursuits that were still possible. They compiled newer collections based upon the original collections. They learned the IadEth sciences, memorized texts with their chains and taught these to others. In this regard, a prominent example is that of ? asan al-OaghEnE al-HindE (d. 1252).He was the Indian ambassador to the Abbasid court in Baghdad. Upon orders of the then Abbasid caliph al-MustanIir BillEh, he compiled MashEriq al-AnwEr, a collection of 2246 aIEdEth from the two OaIEIs of BukhErE and Muslim. The caliph himself studied this book from him. For many centuries after that, this book was an integral part of the curriculum of Islamic madrasahs. Numerous commentaries were written on it by ‘ulamE in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Hijaz. It was held in such high esteem that Sultan MuIammad ibn Tughlaq is reported to have placed it side by side with the Qur’an while taking oath of allegiance from his officers. 6 26 Muhammad Ishaq, India’s Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, (Dhaka, University of Dacca, 1976), 218-221. There are many other examples from each of the succeedi ng centuries as well as some from the previous ones which show that learning IadEth and teaching it to others was very much a part of the educational system. There was IsmE‘El MuIaddith (d. 1056) who was based in Lahore and had dedicated himself to teaching the various Islamic sciences including IadEth. 27 Then there were Shaykh BahlEl of Delhi and MuftE MuIammad of Lahore, both from the time of Akbar (c. ixteenth century). Both were well-known for their expertise in IadEth. 28 MuftE MuIammad used to teach OaIEI BukhErE and MishkEt al-MaIEbEI. Also from the sixteenth century is MEr MurtazE SharEfE, the grandson of SharEf JurjEnE. He left Shiraz to go to Makkah and learned IadEth from ibn ? ajar al-MakkE and got ijEzah (permission/license) from him to teach it to others. He came to settle down in Agra and passed away during the reign of Akbar. 29 Then there was ? Efi? DarEz PeshEwarE who had learned IadEth from his mother. This lady had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE in Persian. 0 Moreover, it is mentioned about MuIammad Farrukh, the grandson of AImad Sirhindi, that he had memorized 70,000 aIEadEth along with their chains and texts and their strengths and weaknesses. 31 This devotion to IadEth was not confined to North India alone. Gujarat in western India is situated opposite the Arabian Peninsula and therefore, has enjoyed a closer relationship with the Arab peninsula from the beginning. Prominent ‘ulamE such as ‘AlE MuttaqE (d. c. 1568) and his students MuIammad ibn UEhir PatnE (d. 1578) and ‘Abd al-WahhEb al-MuttaqE (d. 1592) were in the forefront in the science of IadEth.They flourished in Gujarat and Makkah and from there, their influence extended to various parts of the world. In Delhi, ’Abd al-WahhEb’s student ‘Abd al-? aqq (d. 1642) was active in disseminating IadEth. He wrote important commentaries on the major works of IadEth. He was followed by his son NEr al-? aqq, who similarly, was quite active i n serving the IadEth sciences. In South India, we find the sixteenth century scholar BhikErE KEkorvE who wrote a book on the principles of IadEth, titled al-MinhEj. 32 In Zaidpur in eastern India, MawlEnE ‘Abd al27 28 Ishaq, 45-46.GElEnE, 129. 29 Ishaq, 99. 30 GElEnE, 130. For more information about women muIaddithEt (traditionists) throughout Muslim history, see Akram Nadvi’s up-coming 40 volume work al-Muhaddithat: Women Scholars in Islam. Its one volume introduction (muqaddimah) has recently been published by Interfaith Publications, UK. 31 GElEnE, 128. 32 Ishaq, 124. Awwal (d. 1560) had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE, titled FayI al-BErE. 33 Even OzEd, more famous for the historical works that he wrote, had written a commentary on OaIEI BukhErE, titled Oaw’ al-OarErE. 4 In Kashmir, there was MullE InEyat AllEh KashmErE (d. 1713). He had taught OaIEI BukhErE thirty six times. 35 And then in the nineteenth century, we find RaImat AllEh IlEhabEdE who had memorized the six books of IadEth (OiIEI Sittah). 36 The rulers also took active part in patronizing IadEth sciences. It is mentioned about Sultan MaImEd ShEh (d. 1397) of the South Indian Bahmani kingdom that he had set aside special stipends for the scholars of IadEth so that they could stay engaged in their scholarly pursuits without having to worry about earning their living. 37Sufis and Knowledge Sufis enjoy perhaps the worst reputation in Islamic scholarly circles. Much of this stems from the behavior and statements of ignorant Sufis. This then leads to a blanket condemnation of all Sufis including the classical giants of taIawwuf. Historical evidence points in a different direction. It would be helpful to consider here the case of some Sufis and their attitudes towards education. In fact, in the second half of the thirteenth century, Delhi saw the founding of the khEnqEh of the famous Chishti saint, Ni? Em al-DEn AwliyE. Not only had Ni?Em al-DEn studied the above-mentioned M ashEriq al-AnwEr from cover to cover but also knew the entire collection by heart. 38 The best source of information about him is his utterances (malfE? Et) that were recorded by his disciple AmEr ? asan SijzE (d. 1336) in his famous work FawE’id al-Fu’Ed. 39 Even a cursory glance at this collection will show that Ni? Em al-DEn had a thorough understanding of IadEth and fiqh. And this in spite of the fact that he was busy training his Sufi disciples and did not have time to be actively involved in the intellectual life of Delhi. Another incident is worth considering.It is mentioned about a certain AkhE SirEj who had moved at a young age from his native Lakhnauti to Delhi to benefit from Ni? Em al-DEn. He lived in Ni? Em al-DEn’s khEnqEh for many years. Once, someone recommended his name to 33 34 Ibid. , 122. Ibid, 163. 35 Ishaq, 160 and GElEnE, 128. 36 GElEnE, 128. 37 Ibid. , 134 and Ishaq, 103. 38 GElEnE, 119. See Nizami, Some Aspects†¦, 347 for the ijEzat nEmah (license to teach) that Ni? Em al-DEn received from his teacher after completing MashEriq al-AnwEr. 39 AmEr ? asan SijzE, FawE’id al-Fu’Ed, translated from Persian into Urdu by ZiyE-ul-? san FErEqE, (New Delhi: DK Printworld, 1996). Ni? Em al-DEn for successorship. Ni? Em al-DEn replied that SirEj was not educated and therefore, not qualified to be a successor. Upon this, one of the scholar disciples of Ni? Em al-DEn, MawlEnE Fakhr al-DEn ZarrEdE volunteered to teach SirEj and fulfill this important condition for him. He accomplished this in six months. 40 This shows the erudition and skill of ZarrEdE as well as the acumen of SirEj to learn. Above all, this incident shows the central importance that Sufis gave to education.One could argue that the sources for all such incidents are hagiographical accounts whose sole purpose is to glorify the personality of the person being written about. Even if we were to accept this charge, although there is enough reason not to, even then, the fact that the biographers considered acquisition of knowledge to be praiseworthy shows the status of knowledge and education in the Muslim society of that time. AVAILABILITY OF BOOKS The scarcity of books in India before the coming of the press has been made quite an issue of.Some historians, as evidence of this claim, have cited an incident involving WalE AllEh’s son, ShEh ‘Abd al-‘AzEz. It is reported that when ‘Abd al-‘AzEz began writing his Persian commentary on the Qur’an (FatI al-‘AzEz), he could not even find al-TafsEr al-KabEr of al-REzE. 41 After a desperate search, he finally found it in the library at the Royal Palace in Delhi. This is hard to believe. All of ‘Abd al-‘AzEz works have come down to us. We find him referring directly to classical works of ShEfi‘E, AbE YEsuf (the main student of AbE ? anEfah), al-GhazzElE, Ibn ? azm, Ibn Taymiyyah, etc.Some of these works were hard to find even a fter coming of the press. It is reasonable to assume that someone who had access to such rare works would also have had access to al-REzE’s work. Even if the incident was to be considered true, it cannot be taken to be representative of a general trend. It appears as an exception rather than the rule. Moreover, GElEnE has cited an incident involving OzEd’s teacher, MEr Tufayl. OzEd writes that once MEr Tufayl went to see the Nawab of Agra. There, a debate ensued about certain linguistic aspects of the Qur’anic verse â€Å"and for those who have the power† (2:184).According to OzEd even for this relatively minor issue, most major works of tafsEr, including al-REzE’s al- 40 41 Ni? EmE, IslEmE TehzEb†¦, 43. GElEnE, 38. TafsEr al-KabEr, al-KashshEf, BayIEwE, and other books of language and rhetoric were consulted. 42 MullE MuIib AllEh BihErE (d. 1707) is a prominent scholar who flourished during Awrangzeb’s (d. 1707) reign. He is the author of Musallam al-ThubEt, a famous work on the principles of jurisprudence (uIEl al-fiqh). A manuscript of the author’s marginalia on this work is available online. 43 In this, he mentions the books that he consulted while writing this book.The list includes all the major works of uIEl of each of the Sunni schools viz. UIEl al-BazdawE, UIEl al-SarkhasE, Kashf al-BazdawE, Kashf al-ManEr, al-BadE‘ along with its commentaries, alTawIEI wa al-TalwEI, al-TaIrEr along with its commentaries al-TaqrEr and al-TaysEr, al-MaIIEl of al-REzE, al-IIkEm of al-OmidE, QaIE’s MukhtaIar along with its various glosses, SharI of alAbharE, SharI of TaftEzEnE, gloss of FEzil MirzE JEn, al-RudEd, al-‘UnqEd, al-MinhEj of alBayIEwE along with its commentary, MukhtaIar of ibn al-? Ejib and Muntaha al-UIEl. This is an exhaustive list.If these books were available to someone working in Bihar, it is quite reasonable to assume that they would have been available in the capital Delhi as wel l. In fact, not only were books easily available during the period under study, rather it was not such a major issue. There are two important reasons for that. Firstly, there was always a professional group of copyists in each locality who were called warrEq (scribe) or nussEkh (copyist). They kept track of all the books available in their area as well as other cities and upon demand they could quickly make copies of the desired book. 4 Secondly, amongst the general educated public most people could write quite fast. About the first contention, the following incident is quite telling. ‘Abd al-QEdir BadEyEnE (d. 1625) was an accomplished scholar and man of letters who was attached to Akbar’s court. Although working under Akbar, he had become thoroughly disgusted with Akbar’s eclecticism. Even though an officially approved history of Akbar’s reign had been written by Abul Fazl titled Akbar NEmah, BadEyEnE felt that the record needed to be set 42 43 Ibid. , 5 7. MuIib AllEh BihErE, ?Eshiyat Musallam al-ThubEt, MS. Or. 350, p. 1, University of Leipzig Library, downloaded from â€Å"UIEl al-Fiqh wa al-QawE‘id al-Fiqhiyyah,† al-MuIIafE min al-MakhIEIEt al-‘Arabiyyah wa alIslEmiyyah, %20 %20 %20 accessed 16 August, 2010). 44 During the period under study, copyrights violation was not an issue. There was no legal hindrance to making copies of other people’s books. Today, the opinion is divided among traditional scholars regarding copyrights. Some insist that they have no basis in Islamic law.Others approve of them. For a sampling, see NEh ? E MEm Keller, â€Å"Copyrights in Islam,† Shadhili Teachings, (accessed 17 August, 2010). right. So, in secret, he wrote his historical work titled Muntakhab at-TawErEkh, in which he showed the darker side of Akbar’s reign. He could not make it public during his own lifetime for fear of severe official reaction. After his death, some copyists got hold of it and befo re long its copies were to be found all over the country. By this time, JahEngEr, the son of Akbar, had ascended the throne.He tried to ban the book. However, in spite of his absolutist powers, JahEngEr could not take this book out of circulation. Every now and then, a report would be received that this book was seen in this town or that city. 45 This can be reasonably attributed to the easy availability of copyists who made sure that they had access to books that people wanted. In fact, this also explains the slow spread of the press in India. The effective system of copyists had relieved people of the need for a printing press. About the second contention, i. e. the writing speed of educated people, let us present some incidents. OzEd has mentioned about a certain scholar Shaykh KamEl: Text books of Iarf (morphology), naIw (syntax), manIiq (logic), Iikmah (philosophy), ma‘EnE, bayEn, fiqh, uIEl, and tafsEr, all of these, he copied with his own hand. And for every book, he wr ote its gloss in such a way that the text did not require the commentary anymore and the commentary did not require the text anymore. 46 Regarding Shaykh NEgaurE, the father of Abul Fazl and FayzE, OzEd writes, â€Å"He wrote 500 volumes with his own hands. 47 Similarly, it is mentioned in the account of a certain Shaykh Junayd ? isErE that he could copy the whole Qur’an in three days and that too with the diacritical marks. 48 To close this topic, let us mention what ‘Abd al-WahhEb MuttaqE has mentioned regarding his teacher ‘AlE MuttaqE. This has been quoted by ‘Abd al-WahhEb’s student ‘Abd al? aq DehlavE in his AkhbEr al-AkhyEr. ‘AlE MuttaqE had moved to Makkah and was the foremost scholar of that city. ‘Abd al-WahhEb mentions about him that he had a habit of copying 45 46 47 48 GElEnE, 59. Ibid. , 62. Ibid. Ibid. , 63. mportant books and sending them out to all those regions where such books were unlikely to be found and people would need them. Writing books was a religious vocation for him. 49 CONCLUSION A systematic study of Islamic intellectual heritage (of India as well as the rest of the Muslim world) is essential for a better understanding of Islamic Civilization. In the preceding account, we have tried to give a glimpse of the educational system of historical Muslim India. This is just a preliminary study. The abundance of historical evidence seems to suggest a very well- organized and organic system of education.Madrasahs, maktabs, mosques, private houses, all kinds of institutions existed in harmony. The options available to any sincere seeker of knowledge were many. Seeking knowledge and imparting it was a sacred exercise and not a commercial enterprise. The general attitude of the public towards knowledge and those who engaged in it was fundamental to the flourishing of this system. General interest in the various Islamic sciences meant that all segments of the population participated in the cul tivation and dissemination of Islamic sciences. Sufis thus placed high value on seeking a proper Islamic education.Similarly, Indian scholars paid close attention to the IadEth sciences. Many of them rose to become pre-eminent IadEth scholars known for their erudition throughout the Muslim world. Moreover, the curriculum that had evolved over the years maintained a healthy balance between the secular and the religious. There were differences in terms of emphasis on the rational vs. the transmitted sciences. However, the overall curriculum was still relatively holistic. In short, Muslim India matched the central lands of Islam in terms of its educational advancement and achievements. 49 See ‘Abd al-? qq DehlavE, AkhbEr al-AkhyEr, translated from Persian into Urdu by SubIEn MaImEd and MuIammad FEzil, (Karachi: MadEnah Publishing Company, n. d. ), 529. BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-BayhaqE, AbE Bakr AImad ibn al-? usayn. (1410 AH). Vol. 2, Shu‘ab al-OmEn [Branches of Faith]. BayrEt: DEr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah. BihErE, MuIib AllEh. ?Eshiyat Musallam al-ThubEt [Marginalia on the Flawless Evidence]. MS. Or. 350. University of Leipzig Library, downloaded from Usul al-Fiqh wa alQawa’id al-Fiqhiyyah [Principles of Jurisprudence and Legal Maxims], al-MuIIafE min al-MakhIEIEt al-‘Arabiyyah wa al-IslEmiyyah [Chosen Arabic and Islamic Manuscripts].Retrieved August 16, 2010. http://mostafamakhtot. blogspot. com/search/label/16%20 %20 %20 %20 DehlavE, ‘Abd al-? aqq. (n. d. ). AkhbEr al-AkhyEr [Reports of the Select]. (SubIEn MaImEd and MuIammad Fazil, Trans. ). Karachi: MadEnah Publishing Company. GElEnE, Sayyid ManE? ir AIsan. (n. d. ). PEk-o-Hind main MusalmEnon kE Ni? Em e Ta‘lEm-oTarbiyyat [The educational system of Muslims in Pakistan and India]. Lahore: Maktaba RaImEniyya. Al-? asanE, ‘Abd al-? ayy. (1983). Al-ThaqEfah al-IslEmiyyah fi al-Hind [Islamic Civilization in India].Damascus: Mujamma‘ al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyyah bi Dima shq. Jaffar, S. M. (1972). Education in Muslim India. Delhi: IdEra AdabiyyEt-e-DillE. Keller, NEh ? E MEm. (1997). Copyrights in Islam. Retrieved August 17, 2010. http://www. shadhiliteachings. com/tariq/? act=article&id=6. MubErakpErE, MuIammad ‘Abd al-RaImEn ibn ‘Abd al-RaIEm. (n. d. ). Vol. 7, TuIfat alAIwadhE bi SharI JEmi‘ al-TirmidhE [Gift of the Skilful, a commentary on JEmi‘ alTirmidhE]. Ed. ‘Abd al- RaImEn MuIammad ‘UthmEn. BayrEt: DEr al-Fikr. Muhammad Ishaq. (1976). India’s Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature. Dhaka, University of Dacca.MuIammad ShafE‘. (2002). FutEI al-Hind [Conquests of India]. Karachi: IdErat al-Ma‘Erif. Al-Nadvi & Moinuddin, Survey of Muslim Education: India, (Cambridge: The Islamic Academy, 1985), 5. Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad. (1961). Some Aspects of Religion & Politics in India during the 13th century. Bombay: Asia Publishing. Ni? EmE, KhalEq AImad. (1982). IslEmE TehzEb kE Asar HindustEn par [The effect of Islamic Civilization on India]. Lucknow, Majlis TehqEqEt-o-NashriEt–e-IslEm. SijzE, AmEr ? asan. (1996). FawE’id al-Fu’Ed [Benefits of the Heart]. (ZiyE-ul-? asan FErEqE, Trans. ). New Delhi: DK Printworld.

Foreign Workers in Malaysia

Can’t live with them, can’t live without them. At least that’s what quite a lot of Malaysians I know feel about them. Deputy Human Resources Minister, Senator said that there are 1. 403 million foreigners here holding the Temporary Employment Visit Pass, which accounts for 11. 2% of Malaysia’s total workforce. That’s actually quite a lot of foreigners for a country with a 2. 7% unemployment rate as of last year. But it’s no use denying the fact that we need them. The fact that we still don’t have minimum wage means that there are just too many jobs out there that pay too little (from the perspective of Malaysians) and are considered not worth the trouble by Malaysians. As our cost of living continues to rise against stagnating wages, even fresh graduates earning around RM2,000 will sometimes find it hard to keep things afloat living in Kuala Lumpur, let alone having to survive on a construction worker’s wages. And even now we can see foreign workers in supermarkets and restaurants, jobs that are considered ‘comfortable’ and not ‘heavy’, but more and more locals are turning away from them simply because in the current economic climate the pay is nowhere near good enough. On the one hand it’s a shame that we prefer being unemployed rather than at least earning something, even if it means working a hard job with not very good pay. But on the other hand it’s also understandable why we’d prefer to hold out and keep looking for something better, considering the economic realities that we have to face in our daily lives. The side effect of being dependent on foreign workers is that it puts a strain on a lot of things – public amenities and services especially. They also compete with the poor for low cost accommodation, and the congested living conditions have also contributed to societal and environmental problems. But blaming things on them will not solve anything. The fact of the matter is, these are men and women trying to make an honest living in a foreign country where their presence is not exactly welcomed with open arms. They had to leave their family behind, live in sometimes abominable and unacceptable conditions, and push themselves to the limit to work as many hours as possible in order to send as much money as they can home to their families. Try doing that and see if you won’t find yourself in similar social problems should you be in their exact same shoes. It’s easy to blame the ‘other’ when you’re comfortably on the other side of the fence, but not so easy when you really look and try to empathize with them. Trying to combat these problems will definitely cost money, and if we’re being honest with ourselves, it’s just like dousing a raging fire – it’s unlikely that we can totally put a stop to it. The only way we can avoid these problems is by not having them here or not being too dependent on foreign workforce. Paying the 3D jobs (dirty, dangerous and difficult) better wages to attract locals to do it is a start. A good minimum wage is a start too. Of course companies employing foreign workers will moan that this is not good business, but that is why we vote and have a government – to think about how best to solve this dilemma, because what’s a government here for if not to take care of its people?

Analysis of Organizational Behaviour Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Analysis of Organizational Behaviour - Essay Example These writers stress the importance of both ethical understanding and self-efficacy, stating that in order to ensure good ethical practice it is important that the leader and decision maker has sound knowledge and the necessary experience. However, experience gained in one cultural situation may well be different from those in another culture. The executive in Japan, for instance, will have a very different knowledge set from one who has worked only in Arabia. I can back this up from my personal experience of working in a multi-cultural situation. Kuwait has more or less equal numbers of Kuwaiti nationals and foreigners. The non-nationals come from a variety of countries and this results in a mixture of ideologies, religions and general outlook on life. For example, someone from Lebanon will see his work and go about his tasks is different from an Indian employee. The same is true for many others ex-patriates. There are of course similarities, but always some differences between for example Asians and Arabians. In such a multi-cultural environment the wisdom and efficiency of leaders in building and maintaining good ethical codes and practices are very important. As he uses the knowledge and experience he already has and is gaining over time, a leader gets ever stronger and gains confidence when it comes to making ethical decisions. Confidence in one’s own ability and strengths means a greater ability to be a strong and confident leader when dealing with a variety of situations. In our organization practicing good ethics is not easy. This is not because of leadership deficiencies when it comes to decision, but because of the variations in cultural outlooks of employees despite good communications. The authors cited have talked about the problems of global business with its mix of cultures and ethical ideas.

Lab report Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 2

Lab report - Essay Example To safeguard our planets future, we need to aim at the orange line level by use of existing technologies. This can also be achieved by coming up with new inventions to meet the world’s energy needs over the next 50 years, and reduce atmospheric carbon dioxide from doubling as projected in the black line. It is for this purpose that we formed a group of three students to come up with an energy wedge that is likely to tackle this problem squarely and at all angles. Our energy stabilization wedge is mainly concerned with efficient utilization of energy, and use of renewable sources as the major active ways of reducing carbon emission by the year 2055. Stabilization at any level demands that net emissions do not remain constant, but in due course drop to zero. Faced with only two solutions of either maintaining the current emission of carbon in the next 50 years or reducing the production of carbon in the atmosphere by the similar amount of time, we opted to build our wedge on the basis practical reduction of carbon in the atmosphere by half for the next 50 years. This option was opted for the various reasons of changing environmental conditions and the sudden changes in technology that demand use of carbon energy (Levy, 2010). The world is required to reduce atmospheric carbon from current 8 billion tons per year by half hence ensuring only 200 billion tons by the year 2055. This is only possible by increasing sufficient use of transport. This is mainly by adopting efficient fuel engines in terms of motor vehicles. Another way is by reducing the distance travelled while at the same time ensuring efficiency in construction and building hence reducing electricity use. This is possible by utilizing solar energy and using materials that conserve energy during winter. Use of renewable sources of energy is our next energy wedge, which aims at using sources in the

Analyze Emmi in Switzerland and predict how they can be more Essay

Analyze Emmi in Switzerland and predict how they can be more sustainable in 2054 - Essay Example This essay will set out to examine the sustainability of Emmi Company, and its sustainability potential in the future, especially in relation to environmental impacts and anticipated changes in the next forty years. Emmi has sought to differentiate its brand by enhancing sustainability in the past through careful and sustainable use of resources, and in its production activities. By doing this, Emmi seeks to satisfy required food standards for its market niche, ensuring that its products are safe and of high quality (Emmi Group: Genuine Swiss Premium Taste, 2014: p1). Basing their activities on economic production, they are also aware of the customers’ anticipation that Emmi pursues a strategy of sustainability that should have continuous price reductions as an attribute. This brings up a crucial aspect of Emmi’s business strategy in attempting to satisfy the customers’ expectations for superior brand quality in relation to maintaining customer friendly prices. This paper discusses the strategy pursued by Emmi in using competent and sound technologies that enable them to carry out energy intensive processes, making the company one of the industry’s leading entity in corporate responsibility. Sustainability is also a critical aspect of Emmi’s mission statement that all its employees are expected to adhere to in sustaining the company’s commitment to corporate management that is environmentally friendly. The sustainability strategy at Emmi is based on three key pillars, which are social commitment, economics, and ecology and finding a balance between these pillars (Three strategic pillars, 2014: p1). These pillars are grounded on corporate values that are aligned with its corporate philosophy, which will bring the pap er to an analysis of Emmi’s environmental impacts and changes anticipated in the next forty years, in relation to their global business’ sustainability potential. Emmi’s environmental policy holds that